In November 2025, Germany reintroduced mandatory military training for its youth. The decision was met with skepticism. Similarly, France announced a plan for ten months of voluntary military training for 18- and 19-year-olds, with the possibility of compulsory service should the Russia–Ukraine war escalate.
Conscription is in place across other European states including Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden and Turkey.
In 2020, Bulgaria also introduced voluntary military service for citizens up to the age of 40 for a period of six months whereas Romania plans to bring in four-month voluntary military service this year 2026.
A 2025 BBC report hints Poland, which has one of Nato's biggest armies, launched a month's voluntary basic military training in 2024, with Prime Minister Donald Tusk announcing in 2025, plans to introduce "large-scale military training for every adult male" in the country and "the need to have an army of half a million in Poland, including the reservists,"
These developments have raised questions not only about national defense but also freedom. The Russia–Ukraine war is ultimately about global freedom, and the opportunity to fight for one’s beliefs should not be restricted to geography.
Globally, unemployment remains a persistent challenge. In Africa, the problem is particularly chronic: Ghana’s unemployment rate, an anecdata, currently stands at 13.1%. In the health sector, nurses are already being exported to fill shortages abroad. Yet despite such measures, the unemployment puzzle remains unresolved. So why voluntary military service abroad not being considered as a structured option for young Africans?
Evidence suggests that Africans are already participating in foreign conflicts. Ukrainian authorities report more than 1,400 individuals from 36 African nations are fighting for Russia in the ongoing war against Ukraine. The issue is not (and should not be) that Africans are joining foreign armies, but this occurs informally, without transparency, protection, or dignity.
African governments, including Ghana's, should explore and safeguard this opportunity. One could imagine a system in which young Ghanaians could apply directly at German, French, or (even) Russian embassies to serve, provided they meet the requirements. Multilateral bodies, particularly NATO, should not resist such flexibility.
The invitations to young people to participate in voluntary military service schemes should open up to include Africans; cooperation with African governments could formalize the process, with the state’s role limited but crucial: protecting rights, negotiating fair pay, and ensuring compliance with global labor standards.
The African Union’s (AU) neutral posture in the ongoing conflicts should not be misconstrued as a contradiction of its role as a pan-African agency; rather, it reflects the sovereignty and independent decision-making authority of its member states. This neutrality underscores the AU’s commitment to collective representation while respecting national autonomy.
Nevertheless, the involvement of foreign paramilitary groups poses a significant challenge to regional stability. In this regard, the rigorous enforcement of the African Convention on the Elimination of Mercenaries would be advisable, as it offers a legal and institutional framework to curb external interference and protect the integrity of African-led conflict resolution mechanisms for both internal and external conflicts.
The demand for security professionals in Ghana has risen sharply over the past decade. Despite increased recruitment into national security services, many young applicants remain excluded. The November 2025 recruitment exercise, for example, saw over 7,000 individuals crowd the El-Wak Stadium. This extreme competitiveness has taken a toll on the mental health of aspiring candidates.
In a country where the retirement age is 60, it is unsustainable to leave willing citizens in prolonged uncertainty. Some parents with financial means send their children abroad in search of similar opportunities, while those without such means face despair.
For many, the situation resembles the biblical account in John 5:1–9, where a blind man waited 38 years at the Pool of Bethesda for healing but remained unfulfilled until divine intervention changed his story. In Ghana's case, however, the “intervention” may likely manifest in troubling forms: recruitment by extremist groups, involvement in illegal activities, or participation in proxy wars, particularly given instability in the sub-region.
The tragic military recruitment deaths at the El-Wak Stadium, Accra, in November 2025, underscore that the government alone cannot absorb the demand for security jobs. Political instability in Africa has risen over the past five years and is projected to worsen. Extremist groups in West Africa are already exploiting vulnerable youth. Ghana, strategically positioned yet vulnerable, faces risks whether or not it confronts issues such as illegal mining. Formalizing military labor abroad could reduce these risks while providing young people with purpose and income.
This proposal should not be mistaken for colonial or neocolonial exploitation. It is voluntary exchange. Africans fought in World War II under colonial command, often viewing military service as a means to earn wages, acquire skills, and access opportunities otherwise unavailable at home. Today, however, they should fight as free agents with contracts, dignity, and fair pay.
War is work. And in a free society, work is choice. It is the refusal to be pawns in another's game while asserting the right to choose one’s own path. If war is work, then Africans should decide where to sell their labor. Freedom also means the opportunity to choose one’s battles.
Ebenezer De Gaulle
Vice-President (Institute Relations), ILAPI
